Saturday, October 28, 2006

Politics of rage can only smother national integrity

The Standard, Editorial.
Saturday, October 28, 2006.

To ask ‘Why do our leaders engage in politics of rage?’ citizens could be pardoned for responding: ‘What else can they do?’ The natural reaction of a people who have been betrayed by their leaders is despair and indifference, not reason. Yet despair will only chalk up more anger and frustration, which cannot get us through the politics of hate and recrimination smothering our country.

We need coherent answers. Answers that explain why the men and women we elected to positions of leadership have made a career in pursuing misguided policies simply out of spite.
To casually dismiss the circus playing out at the National Assembly over the nomination of MPs to the East African Parliament and the ever-present leadership vacuum that every so often stirs the basest of instincts in our leaders as acts of indulgent politicians may be reassuring, but it is false.

There is something stronger at work here than rivalry, incompetence and jealousy. Something that can move men and women sworn to protect the national good to rape it with impunity. The problem is bigger than just regime change. It is the Constitution and governance institutions.

Look at Kenya today. The promise of the second liberation has calcified into a belligerent nightmare. The Government is efficient in only one area: Rewarding sycophancy and strangling integrity. The Opposition is excelling in only coveting the presidency.

Where the country would think as one before, we have been balkanised into tribal groupings and compartmentalised further into ions that feed the hunger of the hungry cliques that lord it over the electorate. Is this how to run a country?

Revolutions, they say, don’t eat their children, but the Narc Revolution in 2002 has metamorphosed into a dragon that feeds on its minders and their children.

We think of dictators and warlords in Somalia and Sudan as rapacious, but our leaders in and out of Government are just as culpable.

The question is how a people who once yearned for good governance could reject it so dramatically. In the 1980s and 1990s, the talk was all about good leadership, now it turns out that good leadership takes more than just advocacy.

Research has shown that when the State or political parties fail to provide a sense of legitimacy, other organisations and despair fill the void.

There is a ready-made source of legitimacy in tribalism and nepotism. So it is not surprising that party leaders want their spouses, mistresses, kinsmen and protÈgÈs nominated to the East African Assembly in Arusha when the posts are supposed to be filled by the most competent among us.

This warped thinking is a direct consequence of the total failure of political institutions. Sadly, politicians have averted their eyes from this reality and would rather discuss the "2002 MoU" than examine the dysfunctions of their leadership.

But as Kenyans wallow in despair, a poisonous clique that reads from the same script with the devil is smothering the country.

Others are busy looking among the same herd for a better shepherd to lead us into prosperity. If Kenyans do not take it upon themselves to stop the country from falling prey to anachronistic medievalists, and devise a strategy to deal with this clique, nothing will save us.

We need a contingency plan that will not only restore our national integrity, but reform the political thinking and practice. Can the President lead the way?

A few wealthy people are lording it on the majority

By Barrack Muluka
The Standard, Commentary.
Saturday October 28, 2006.

About 90 per cent of public expenditure on salaries and allied benefits is paid to just about 500 people. Among these are 222 Members of Parliament and just fewer than 300 other assorted fat cats.

Mr Aaron Ringera of the Kenya Anti-Corruption commission, for example, is paid Sh2.5 million a month, basically for doing next to nothing. The edifice he presides over is at best a dynastic witch-hunting outfit. But more realistically, it is a veritable white elephant that should never have been.

In this ornate white elephant edifice are another five gentlemen who "work" with Ringera. They are paid Sh1.5 million each a month for oscillating between petty political witch hunting and doing nothing. The hunters of fortune at Kacc cost Kenyans a minimum of Sh10 million a month.

In another part of Kenya, the lowest paid public university lecturer has a consolidated salary of about Sh80,000 a month. This is basically to say that the top six people in Ringera’s office earn the salary of a crying 125 lecturers, yes, 100 and 25. But that is not all.

It is common knowledge that our indolent and absentee MPs are the most pampered fellows on a public payroll anywhere in the world. It is perhaps not worth mentioning that this frivolous and gay-loving lot fixes its own pay package. To attempt to unbundle the package here will be to overwhelm my reader with a sense of nausea.

It is behind this background that the ongoing university lecturers’ strike, as well as other clamour for better terms in the public sector, ought to be looked at.

The question must be asked, What kind of society have we created? Do we seem to have created a plutocratic state in which 500 people are holding 30 million others hostage? Is the whole nation at the mercy of 222 MPs and a couple of dozen senior public officers?

At any rate, the parallels between the society today and pre-revolutionary Europe must continue disturbing those who have read history.

Just like France before the 1789 – 1792 Revolution, Parliament has become the enemy of the people, where it should be the people’s watchdog. Ours is easily the only National Assembly in the world that can give Government a blank cheque to spend billions even without interrogating the intended expenditure, as they did this week.

While the rest of the nation is evolving into a landscape of stormy discontent, people’s elected representatives have become self-pampering mascots with a keen addiction to pleasure-seeking.

When Parliament gives Government blank cheques amid brewing labour storms, then such a Parliament can no longer be counted upon to ventilate public grief.

The Cabinet, on its part, behaves like proud and exclusive nobility. It should surprise nobody that a Minister who had nothing three years ago now boasts of a fleet of 70 (yes, 70) sleek limousines and assorted real property in all the prime places you can think of in the country.

The bigger tragedy is that university lecturers seek not to redeem the nation from the decay, but to join the exclusive club of the eating chiefs. We are a people whose leadership has lost interest in the welfare of the people as well as the people’s respect, and they really do not give a damn.

Where our intellectuals should be trying to redeem Kenyans from the den of lions, they are instead jostling for space on the lions’ dining table.

Who can speak for ordinary Kenyans when Parliament, the Judiciary, the top notch of the Executive and our literati all think only of their wallets?

Who will speak for Kenyans when the grotesquely paid are also the ones with the opportunity to steal in Anglo Leasing and Goldenberg style?

Worse still, these less than 500 people are immune to the law. They can play about with Goldenberg and Anglo Leasing and ring circles around you for 16 years and beyond.

But if you thought that was the entire expanse of the tragedy, you are mistaken. For, we ordinary Kenyans are a big part of the problem.

We cannot believe it when our prophets tell us that the daily war of words between Narc-Kenya and ODM-Kenya is an exclusive members ’club dispute. ODM-Kenya and Narc-Kenya are identical twin brothers.

They are fighting over who has the right to loot Kenya and who hasn’t. They are bogus and fraudulent political outfits, whose members do not want to hear about their history.
They do not even pretend to speak for Kenya. The name of their game is power and personal wealth.

Kenya needs a new deal. Kenya needs fresh gallant men and women who can speak for her. We have no place for avaricious parliamentarians who cannot recognise a national powder keg, even when they sit on one. Nor do we have a place for university dons who crave to eat from the table of privilege amid debilitating poverty.

Kenyans should not be deceived. We are firmly in the grip of the eating chiefs.

The barking chiefs in Narc-Kenya and ODM-Kenya are eating you, alive.

They are able to gravitate across the country making all manner of political noise because you have placed food on their table; you have given them a home and security. You are educating their children in exclusive schools, and God knows what else you haven’t done for them!

University lecturers, a selfish and privileged lot in their own right, now want better sitting and eating space on the table of privilege, when they should be carrying the rest of the nation with them in the search for better things. Nobody cares about you. And so, as the Akamba say, "barking you will be eaten". That is unless you can stand up for your rights and ask for a new deal from your leaders today, now.

Friday, October 27, 2006

Even minister in the Sh100m puzzle could evade KACC

By Kipkoech Tanui

So after a Cabinet meeting chaired by President Kibaki, a minister has a date with anti-graft investigators?

Yes, Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission, where investigations never end, tells us this minister, has amassed a Sh100 million fortune. There is nothing on his pay slip or other known sources, at least those picked by the Kacc surveillance radar, to suggest he can be worth that much in so short a time.

They will have looked at his pay slip and found it compares badly with Justice Aaron Ringera’s Sh2.5 million a month. If they are seasoned investigators whose files Attorney General Amos Wako cannot return to sender, they will have checked out if this VIP suspect has an offshore or local empire building loans.

So where does this take us? Either there are pickpockets in the Cabinet, or Ringera’s team is again handing us a red herring.

In the report Kenya Anti-Corruption Advisory Board chairman, our grand old man Mr Allan Ngugi, accuses Kenyans of having "sky-high" ambitions. It’s as if we can wait for Kacc’s date with Anglo Leasing "ghosts" in 2012. This is awful, coming after the season of shame lists and name-calling, the period the "suspects" played ping-pong with the wielders of the sword of justice, at public rallies.

One can just hope Ringera’s team isn’t doing what it knows best – playing to the public gallery, following the agenda the media set and common place talk. Because "suspicion" is not enough, the grand thieves are not known for "conspicuous consumption". They are smooth operators, hiding behind dummy companies and a network of trustee-run consortiums.

The report has its icing too: a court clerk worth over Sh100 million, but who could be earning Sh20,000 a month, is under investigation. Kacc is also on the trail of many others, including a fabulously rich former minister.

Allan says: "The commission has faced many challenges. Key among them is the existing sky-high public expectation that corruption should be eliminated at once. This expectation has coexisted side-by-side with the factual situation that the commission is a young institution, only set up three years ago…" That, Kacc for which we’ve given our sweat and blood, even as the northerners starve because we believe is a worthy investment in terms of future savings, is just but a toothless baby! Kacc needs culling because it never grows.

Again according Allan’s wisdom, the man who is supposed to appraise Ringera and demand results, the enemy of graft war is the Press: "While media attention and interest on matters under the mandate of the commission has been unstintingly high, there has been, in the opinion of the Advisory Board, a tendency towards disparaging the commission’s efforts rather than towards institution-building through constructive criticism.’’

The thinking is flawed, first Kacc isn’t immune to criticism, it is burning our money daily, and so like any paymaster, Kenyans expect results. The pressure on the media to execute its watchdog duties is as much as their demand on Kacc to hang one thief in public.

Again, it is like the media didn’t blow the cover on Anglo leasing-type cases, forcing resignations of ministers and even goading Ringera to begin talking about it.

What has Mzee Allan got to say of the fact that Kenyans today have for a Vice- President a man under whose nose the scandalous Anglo Leasing passport contracts blossomed? Do the media and citizens have the power to force him to step aside until he’s cleared?

It’s clear from his lamentations that the board too, is hamstrung, so it is not just Justice Ringera holding the wrong end of the stick.

In the opening pages, Ringera plays his favourite disc. "On the functions of the commission, it is worth mentioning that it is often forgotten, or overlooked that the commission has no powers to prosecute criminal offences whether corruption, economic crime or anything else…"

So when he pushes files to Wako, the national prosecutor, he finds "gaps" and the papers are back to Ringera, meanwhile time ticks. Are we missing something here? Sad thing you can’t fire any of them even if their contracts lack the lines "Life AG" and "Life Kacc director".

Like PLO Lumumba would argue, Allan and Aaron are chasing mosquitoes with a hammer. With Ngugi’s board, Kacc is but a giant standing on a mosquito’s feet. The circus is bound to continue, Kenyans will then be taught lessons, on patience by Ringera, even as the dragon he vowed he would slay, continues snorting and running amok.

The media will remain the punching bag, and the political exigencies of the time will reign supreme.

Now that ODM-Kenya is about to hit the road, after Ramadhan’s lull, you are bound to hear fresh declarations the war is on and there will be no sacred cows. But Ringera argues he’s an achiever - there are 190 corruption cases before courts today. Much as he dislikes it, the majority must be "small fishes" squirming in the frying pan as the high and mighty read the 450 demand notices he has sent, as they conceal their tracks. But even then court cases are nothing until they are determined, and what Kenyans want are statistics on convictions, not "cases on various stages of hearing.’’ They’ve heard that song for far too long. May be courts are slow, or the corrupt can buy the best lawyers in town, but surely a watertight investigation file is a conviction unto itself. Not many "big fishes" can wriggle out of its nets and fangs.

Ringera’s idea of war-plan: public sensitisation through sponsorship of agricultural shows, preaching missions to public servants and evangelic meetings in the villages! In the report he again declares: corruption is an international plague and affliction.

This race is indeed getting hilarious, when you think it has ended, it begins!

Reject MPs who can't deliver

By EVANS KIBET TUBEI, Nakuru.
Publication Date: 10/27/2006

Since the restoration of multiparty governance in the run-up to the 1991 elections, the country has been thrown into disarray by politicians. These are mostly people who do not care about the national interest, but are only keen on gaining power for their own selfish ends.

We do not need mere politicians, but leaders who will guide the nation towards achieving the goal of better improved living standards of all Kenyans. We want a leadership that will deliver reforms and much-needed solutions to problems facing us today.

With the entire world focused on meeting the UN Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), where will Kenya be when the designated time comes as most of our time is being consumed by political bickering and confusion?

For how long are we going to swallow empty promises and many words that add up to nothing? Kenyans are like sheep lost in the wilderness while the shepherds are indulging in the drink of selfish pursuits.

The politicians enjoy playing their dirty games at the expense of needy Kenyans. But instead of going for new people with fresh ideas, we have continued to recycle redundant politicians.
We know all their tactics so much that we can even tell how they are going to react under any given circumstance yet we continue to re-elect them. We even know that they are lying or playing with our minds but we still vote for them.

How many of our so-called leaders convene meetings in their respective constituencies to address issues affecting their people? Your answer is as good as mine, very few. We, the voters, must get serious about taking Kenya to the next level of prosperity and socio-economic and political maturity.

The clock is ticking away to the next General Election, with the MPs busy spreading propaganda to confuse the people as they have always done. Parties have merged to form coalitions which they claim will bring about the desired results. They appear to forget that we have been there and we have seen it all. It is the same old song and we truly know the results.

These are the same politicians who have led us into socio-economic ruin. We, the voters must stick to our guns until we achieve our goals.

Elections are coming and we should be ready to pass the verdict as we have gauged the MPs over the past four years. It is the voters' right to be served well by the MPs, hence the need to choose wisely.

These leaders can't bring change

Story by MAKAU MUTUA
Publication Date: 10/27/2006

If Martians landed on Kenya, they would be forgiven for thinking that we are a nation of lunatics. The reason is simple enough: how does a country of 30 million, largely honest and hardworking citizens, permit itself to be taken hostage by a few kleptocrats?
Of these, about a dozen seem to consume all the nation's oxygen. Kenyans must show their greatness and reject these plutocrats by anointing an alternative leadership - a real third force to take over the state in 2007.

I know that my compatriots are starved of world-class leadership. For the last four decades, Kenya has been an unforgiving graveyard for progressive, patriotic leaders. Instead, our political culture tends to produce a retarded political class.

Unfortunately, this political class has shown remarkable resiliency and capacity to reproduce itself, either through genealogy or sycophantic mentorship. Political barons who have looted the country survive on passing the mantle to their children or handpicked proteges.
Political parties

Like maggots, these cabals sit on every lever of power in Kenya. They sit astride all key sectors: the private, the State, political parties, Opposition, civil society, and even religious organisations. They are a cancer gone malignant. That is why our country is dying, one cell at a time. They have suffocated the political landscape that Kenyans believe that there is no room for an alternative leadership. Even the Press reports on these tribal barons as though they were our natural leaders.

Obviously, it is to the advantage of the political class to perpetuate the myth that leadership belongs to it by right, and that there are no viable - or even possible - alternatives. As a result, every time you turn on the TV, listen to the radio, or open the newspaper, the voices and faces of the same aforementioned cabals greet you. Their surnames have been seared into your brain.
I need not mention them because you know them only too well, and even have nightmares about them in your dreams. Their talking heads attacking each incessantly are a fixture of your daily life. Sometimes you wish you could move to another country just to get away from them.
What is painfully obvious to any observer is that all these mandarins are nothing but self-seekers. Political gluttony is their signature. The question for those who desire to free Kenya from the dreadful clutches of these men and women is how to convince the country that there others in this country who have a vision for leadership beyond the self? Even more important, how does the national political discourse change to focus on who those alternative political leaders might be? How do we as a country jumpstart a national conservation about a fundamental change in our leadership?

My view is that it all should start with the instruments of the mass media. Rather than subject the country to a drumbeat of non-news about the empty talking of the cabals, the media ought to participate in a national project that identifies and highlights the alternative leadership. Frankly, to do otherwise is irresponsible journalism. I strongly believe that it is only the media that can save Kenya from this crisis of leadership.

Inevitably, I know that I will asked to identify those whom I think would constitute the alternative leadership. For now, I only wish to indicate the sectors from which we should look for the alternative leadership, and what criteria we should use for identifying such leadership. Once these critical questions are asked and answered, then we can fill in the blanks. To do otherwise is to put the proverbial cart before the horse. In any case, we ought first to be concerned with principles, not personalities.

I know for sure that it would wrong to look for alternative leaders in either ODM or Narc Kenya. Those are the natural lairs of the cabals that Kenyans must foreswear from national leadership. A real third force must be post-ODM and post-Narc-K. Both are vehicles that seek to keep Kenyans poor, ignorant, and marginalised. Both are composed of Kanu-era and Narc betrayers and looters. We have seen what they have done to the country.

Second, we must look for principled men and women - individuals who have always stood for the vital principles that would lead our country to a renaissance. Consistency and commitment to the ideals of social justice, democracy, reform, human rights, gender equity, nationalism, and anti-chauvinism must guide our choices.

No one who practices or invokes the imagery of tribalism or racism can qualify. Importantly, no one who has been implicated in atrocities or looting of the public purse should offer their services. Only those with clean hands can be candidates for public office. I strongly believe that there is a ton of Kenyans who fit this profile.

Third, we need to look for new leaders in every sector. It is true that good people are generally reluctant to enter the rough and tumble of politics. But this is about our national salvation. That is why we need every clean hand on deck. I would be very interested in mining the private sector for political leadership.

Many folks in the business sector have done well by playing by the rules. We must pick the best among them and ask them to join the movement for political reform. Their skills in wealth creation and corporate responsibility are solely needed in a new reformist state. We must resist the temptation to demonise all business people as corrupt or unethical.

The civil society, the professions, the academy, and the Kenyan Diaspora are obvious recruitment grounds for alternative leaders. The unsung profiles and achievements of many Kenyans in these sectors are breath taking and would cleanse our politics for generations to come. This is the only way our national salvation can be achieved. We must embark on this project right away so that come 2007 Kenyans have an alternative slate of leaders. The media must lead us in this exercise. Time is running out. We must start now.

Empty politics is the bane of our nation

By Charles Gichari Njoroge

Our politicians, both in Government and in the Opposition, have made themselves a disgrace by politicking 7 days a week, 365 days a year. Why are they in a campaign mood all the time?
In the interests of all Kenyans, they should postpone political posturing and mudsling until mid 2007. They have an obligation to develop our people and deliver them from poverty and build national unity.

Every activity has its own time and this is not time for elections but to develop our people. There is no middle ground on this. The leadership required in Kenya is one that has the capacity, the vision and will to rally the people of this great nation to a common purpose and to inspire confidence and positive action for the good of all. It must show commitment to address poverty, disease and ignorance.

We spend too much time smelling corruption in every top Government position, while this is good in principle, it is inherently important we look at the opportunity cost of this general cataloging. Many decision makers in Kenya are procrastinating for fear of being labelled, rightly or wrongly, corrupt. Life saving procurements delay due to this fear.

The implementation of the Government projects could soon stall. The media and politicians spend too much time studying the past instead of generating solutions for today and the future. We have become a nation that cherishes the past, holds it with nostalgia but procrastinates and withdraws from confronting today and tomorrow.

While the ascendancy of Narc to power in 2002 was good, it has brought a negative reaction to authority. Ours has become a society where the politicians have taught us to suspect anyone with and in authority.

There is no sense of pride in our leadership. They are all plotting on each other and with each other and making the population pawns in their selfish power games. The challenge of our time is when we shall begin to reap the fruits of a leadership that thrives in action, is visionary, has concern for the common man, and has a total commitment to leaving this country better than they found it.

Another tragedy is captured well by the Nigerian sage who says "Poverty is like heat, you have to go through it for you to understand it". Most of our leaders were born in wealth and will die in wealth. Their utterances and actions do not resonate with the common person. Instead of being our messiahs to the land of plenty, they are mere pretenders. You have to have seen and lived poverty for you to have courage to confront it.

Kenya has few politicians who get into politics because of an inner call to discover something bigger than themselves. They see a mission to empower the population, a challenge to confront the community ills, a goal to take their people to the Promised Land and a movement that draws them to the arena of success. How many of our leaders are creatively finding solutions to the current difficulties we are facing today?

For the remaining days before the General Election, Kenya shall be in a campaign carnival like never before. The challenge to us all is: For how long shall we feast on sloganeering? How many of our politicians will forget their privileges and high salaries and remember their obligations to this nation? As they politic, they are still enjoying the common man’s generosity (security detail, six figure salary, fuel allowances etc), yet they lack the passion for service.

Having kept a keen watch of Kenyan politics, my humble submission is that the current crop of politicians will not lead this country to prosperity. This country is facing a dilemma, and in this quandary, men and women of honesty, purpose, and of strong morals and conscience are lacking. Ordinary men and women need to join politics and clean it once and for all before 2007 General Elections.

Another tragedy of this country is its short memory. Because of our unique talent of forgetting the past, we will one day enable the guilty to drag the innocent before the courts and charge them with crimes that they (the guilty) had committed in the past. The corrupt will be our angels and we shall glorify them.

Finally, why do our leaders seek solace in the cocoon of their tribes when they fail a nation and its people?

Wednesday, October 18, 2006

The Third Way of Thinking

By Matunda Nyanchama, Ph D

I want to speak to you about the future of our country Kenya and development uncertainties occasioned by the current crop of political leaders; and I want to demonstrate that our politics and national development need not be what it is today! And I want to propose to you that there is away forward out of the morass we see of our politics; and I want to challenge every one of us to get involved! And I want to say: to hell with those who believe in politics for politicians only!
The way ahead is neither the government’s way nor that of the Opposition. It is the Third Way. It is the way whose approach to national development is different and is based on some core principles. The Third Way:

1. Rejects personalization of politics; and rather requires all politics to be predicated on national interest; it is premised on politics of principle rather than searching for power to dominate, plunder and eat!

2. Seeks the institutionalization of political parties in the true sense of political parties, such parties would compete on alternative ideas of development rather than rhetoric and platitudes;

3. Stands for zero tolerance on matters corruption no matter the perpetrator, in other words, there should and MUST never be any sacred cows; you are found guilty of corruption, you pay the price; you are suspected of corruption you are investigated, exonerated or found guilty through a transparent process;

4. Is based on justice, fairness and equity (note the term equity) for all Kenyans no matter their stations in life;

5. Celebrates diversity and rejects tribalism, nepotism and cronyism; it is based on exploiting the strength that comes with the diversity of our people and natural resources and for the benefit of all Kenyans;

6. Is founded on reason over passion, i.e. logic over emotion and sound and structured approach to national challenges;

7. Is based on thinking globally and nationally and acting locally;

8. Espouses Public Accountability in all endeavours;

9. Is driven by the need to make our country Kenya, a great nation! We could become first a regional giant, a continental powerhouse and a global tiger!

To carry the mission of the Third Way needs Third Force. And the Third Force – an amalgamation of new political thinking composed of the progressive Youth, progressive Kenyans in the Diaspora, forward-looking Think Tank Networks, Civil Society, Public Watchdogs, the Press (electronic + print) and more. [I will come to this later.]
If there is something that summarizes this talk, it is a saying by Mahatma Ghandi, which goes thus:
“The Roots of Violence [underdevelopment]:
Wealth without work,
Pleasure without conscience,
Knowledge without character,
Commerce without morality,
Science without humanity,
Worship without sacrifice,
Politics without principles” – Mahatma Ghandi

If there is a Third Way, there must be a First Way; and if there is a First and Third Way, there must be a Second Way. And in order to be successful at implementing the Third Way, we must understand the First Way, its substance, its thinking and its pitfalls; we must understand the Second Way, its thinking and its pitfalls.
The First Way
The people of the First Way hold political and economic power. It is difficult (nay impossible!) to distinguish between those who hold political power and those with economic power. In fact, they are one and the same group! Now let’s look at the First Way in the context of the above principles.
1. On rejecting personalization of politics; and requiring all politics to be predicated on national interest; and espousing politics of principle rather than searching for power to dominate, plunder and eat!
The First Way aims at monopolizing power and wealth within its elite few; as some would say, isn’t it their right (not a privilege) to govern as they deem fit? Once in a while, they will rattle so-called gains “we” (effectively “they”) have made since independence: the African being in charge, the top dog Africans in Kenyan companies, senior managers that are African, the road and hospital networks, the schools and education infrastructure, etc. Their point of reference: pre-independence days!
The First Way elite are largely a product of the elite colonial education; education whose aim was to create servants that would carry out the colonial will. Many believe in the superiority of the colonizers and demonstrate clear bias against even their best brains. Many in this class are Anglophiles, indeed white men in black skin! And if two people: a local Mr. Black Man and (local or foreign) Mr. White Boy were up for opportunities before some First Way power, Mr. White Boy will almost invariably win over Mr. Black Man! This is even when Mr. Black Man might be much smarter, more qualified and overly experienced!
For First Way politicians, it is about power (economic and political) and the fact that they hold it; power allows them to maintain an intricate client-patron system composed of similar interests across the country. They arrogate themselves the right to arbitrate in matters of how the national cake should be distributed! And indeed, they end up with most of this public wealth in private hands!
The First Way is an incestuous class of economic and political interests whose priority is their well-being as opposed to nation-building!
2. On seeking the institutionalization of political parties in the true sense of political parties, and parties competing on alternative ideas of development rather than rhetoric and platitudes;
Wikipedia defines a political party thus:
“… an organization that seeks to attain political power within a government, usually by participating in electoral campaigns. Parties often espouse a certain ideology, but may also represent a coalition among disparate interests.”
Our political parties are no more than vehicles for attaining political power by the wealthy and influential; they have neither ideology nor a coalition of interests other than to get power for the elite! Just look at Narc and now Narc-Kenya; and there is ODM-Kenya; before that we had NAK, DP, LDP, Labour Party, Ford-K and Ford-People, name it! And there used to Ford, Ford-Asili, NDP and Kenyan Socialist Congress (now dead and buried with the passing of its founder, George Anyona) and many more!
There is more! Currently we have a clamour for minimum constitutional reforms; at the centre of this is how to divvy up power among the expected top dogs in a future administration. Missing in the equation is Wanjiku, the Civil Society, the Youth and Religious interests! And they claim it is in the nation’s interest!
3. On standing for zero tolerance for corruption no matter the perpetrator, in other words, there being no sacred cows
For the First Way, tribalism, corruption, cronyism and nepotism are its lifelines! Money, power and influence course veins of their client-patron networks! Corruption is hush-hushed, if not embraced in toto!
The First Way does things with impunity, as if it has a God-given right to do so! It perpetuates corruption and when others question them, it circles to protect their own. And we know this is true because some, notably the late Dr Robert Ouko (God rest his soul) have paid with their lives; and for what? For asking simple questions about misuse of power for personal enrichment!
The First Way cooks schemes like Goldenberg and Anglo Leasing, and continually works to cover its tracks.
4. On justice, fairness and equity (note the term equity) for all Kenyans no matter their stations in life;
The First Way is a selfish elite whose intent is to stay power for the gains power brings. Aggrandizement, economic and political domination/subjugation of others appears to be the norm; platitudes about serving the people form its rhetoric. It cannot heed Mahatma Ghandi’s wisdom that “Earth provides enough for every man’s needs, but not every man’s greed!”
Through a convoluted network of individuals, First Wayers manipulate the economy, government and the justice system for their own benefit! The judiciary, which is supposed to be independent, is part of the power elite. Remember not too long ago there was an extensive purge of the judiciary! And we expect justice from this entity?
The First Way seems to care less about Wanjiku’s suffering: lack of health care, poor access to education, lack of employment opportunities, rampant crime, poverty, hunger and (at times) famine!
5. On celebrating diversity and rejecting tribalism, nepotism and cronyism; and exploiting the strength that comes with the diversity of our people and natural resources and for the benefit of all Kenyans;
The First Way elite rides on the word tribe; many elite trumpet the superiority of their own and discriminate openly without shame. Many of us recall remarks by late Kuguru, at the time a Minister in the Moi government, that the Kikuyu cannot accept a kihi for president, a clear reference to then Ford-Kenya presidential candidate the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, a Luo! Recently, we have heard subtle tangential remarks on Jaramogi’s son Raila Odinga. Good people, this is the 21st century! And as far as I am concerned, what lies in a man’s pants is business for his wife, girlfriend, mistress or concubine!
Tribalism for them is a means to the Mecca of national eatership!
For the First Way the rich culture of our nation doesn’t seem to matter: the foods, the music, the varied tales from times gone, the wide-ranging traditions (marriage, rites of passage, songs and dances) across the country, the diverse thinking and different approaches to issues and more!
The First Way forgets that monocultures soon die off! It is diversity that is the strength of the survival of species/ideas/interests/and more.
6. On reason over passion, i.e. logic over emotion and sound and structured approach to national challenges;
Some in the First Way talk of the glorious years of their past, and how things would have been if they hadn’t worked hard! Didn’t they (though this is a dying breed!) fight for and win independence for Kenya? Haven’t they brought development since we won Uhuru? Look, as some would say, at the number of roads, hospitals, schools, urban centres! Si hayo ni maendeleo? They would ask? And rightly so! But it is from an antiquated point of reference!
Some talk of their detention in the Kenyatta and Moi eras; and wear this as a badge of honour and call this their ticket to power. Ask them what they would do for the country when in power and the answer is convoluted. Hawana mpango! Hawana Plan, as the kids would say in Sheng.
We must divorce this emotion from the search and exercise of power; we need the reasons they want power; we need the logic to elect them to power; and we need to know how they would exercise power. For these people, I offer this quote:
The past is to be respected and acknowledged, but not to be worshiped. It is our future in which we will find our greatness. Pierre Trudeau. Canadian politician (1919 – 2000
We don’t want to hear the vote seeker merely articulate the issues we have! C’mon! We all know them. I’d rather hear about the solutions, the strategy, the means and the viability (how realistic? How affordable) of the solutions they propose.
7. On thinking globally and nationally and acting locally;
One can think locally & act locally; one can also (in the least likelihood) think locally and act globally; also one can think globally act locally; and can also think globally act globally.
The First Way thinks locally and acts locally. Their knowledge and actions are informed by the least common factors possible to maintain their privileged position. In fact, they gain advantage by keeping the people backward! And the more backward the people they lead, the greater their chances of maintaining their position.
We live in the age of globalization; we need to make sure we think globally! We must learn from others that have faced and continue to face similar challenges like us and the ways and means that have made them successful.
8. On Public Accountability in all endeavours-
The First Way cares less about Wanjiku and her interests; they trample mwananchi and get away with it using the systems they control; and systems they have been perfected in protecting themselves. And yet Wanjiku pays the bills even as she struggles with the mess created by the First Way.
Do you recall how, with impunity, members of parliament have been increasing their emoluments? In this scheme where they are judge and jury, a clear conflict of interest, who looks after Wanjiku’s interests?
9. On being driven by the need to make our country Kenya, a great nation! We could become first a regional giant, a continental powerhouse and a global tiger!
First Way elite cares less whether Kenya becomes a regional midget, an international dwarf or a local nincompoop! All they seem to care about is that they have power and control the levers of the economy. They want to swim in the tiny pond that is Kenya and yet there are many lakes and seas out there that we could all possibly swim in!
o-o-o-o-o-o-o-o-o-o-o-o-o-o-o-o-o-o-o-o-o-o-o
The First Way elite cannot understand the agitation for change; many think things are going well and that as long as they are in power, all is fine.
The First Way occasionally appears to have solutions for the intricate Kenyan concerns. Their approach appears limited to tinkering, with a bone or so thrown at their challengers, those of the Second Way. In some cases, their rhetoric suggests they are aware of what solutions should be in place. However, they appear unwilling, if not unable to implement those solutions!
Ask them how to deal with crime and their answer is “shoot to kill”! Yet the divide between haves and have-nots, and lack of opportunity are factors they don’t want to speak about! Ask them about land disputes in the Rift Valley and they will ask people to return to their ancestral lands! So a child born (say) in Molo in the 1970s/80s would be asked to go back to an ancestral home in Kisii, Kiambu, Nyeri, Kakamega or some other such place! Good God! The person’s only known home is the place s/he was born and raised! Ancestral lands my foot! This is the 21st century!
The First Way resists change for fear of loss of power, fear of loss of domination, fear of loss of the status quo!
Look at what they did with the constitutional reforms.
First, it was the Moi regime. Instead of saying: “let’s talk and see what is best for this country”, people lined their short-term interests into the reforms process in delegate selection and draft constitution crafting.
In comes Kibaki and he perpetuates the same! And because the delegates were not stacked properly to cater for his class interests, the process had to be scuttled! It is simple: the Bomas process was rotten from the beginning! It was naïve of us all to expect miracles out of this process! It was flawed! It was bound to fail! And the failure happened with the referendum of November last year.
But I digress!
Now the Second Way!
The Second Way
If the First Way’s intention is to retain the power they wield, Second Way elites aim at wrestling power from First Way elites. Those of Second Way covet the power of the First Way and are envious (nay jealousy!) of the fact that they are not themselves in power! They want to be on the other side!
They oppose those in power because they want the goodies that come with power and control. They fight not because they will bring fundamental change but because they want different actors in power – themselves. In simple words Second Way elites are opposed to those in power because they are out of power!
In their fight for control, they bark and quote from the heroic past of the struggle against colonial and post-colonial oppression. Some of them have even been detained and proudly wear this as a badge of honour!
For their struggles, we should be grateful to them; we should honour and respect them for advancing the cause for justice. I just don’t think the struggle for change and being detained by themselves are sufficient conditions for us to grant them power. If it were so, then the search power would be an end in itself! And indeed, that is the case – just check out the conduct of Kibaki’s Narc in power and Moi’s Kanu!
Some have likened Second Way’s search for power to the barking of hungry dogs; give them a bone and they will be too busy chewing to bark!
We have witnessed this far too often to make us sceptical of promises made by those in the Opposition. Think about it. In Opposition president Kibaki stood for constitutional reforms; in power he has been at best intransigent to the process leading to the first referendum and defeat. Some of the past Opposition champions, once on the other side, have become reactionaries like one could never imagine! Have you watched Hon Koigi wa Wamwere lately? Did you see what became of Hon Kiraitu Murungi when be became Minister of Justice and Constitution affairs? At this rate Kenyans’ hope for change would fade away!
Second Way elites condemn corruption and aver to fight it to death, given the chance. Their rhetoric appeals to the people. Once in power, however, Second Way elites evolve into First Way elites! Kanu had its Goldenberg and many others mini-Goldenbergs! Narc, composed of former Second Wayers, gave us Anglo Leasing and other mini-Anglo Leasings! It is no accident that the two (Goldenberg and Anglo Leasing) are mirror images for the First and Second Way elites are mirror images of each other!
The Third Way
Allow me to elaborate a little more on the Third Way; after that, I would like to propose an action plan, a road map for getting there.
Let me reiterate Third Way principles and, in the process, add a little more meat into the skeleton of these principles.
1. Rejects personalization of politics; rather it requires all politics to be predicated on national interest; it is premised on politics of principle rather than searching for power to dominate, plunder and eat!
Ø The politics we play should and MUST pertain to issues (the education, security, health, prosperity, jobs, national well-being, etc.) for our people and MUST be based on alternative ideas of advancing the country. Politicians should be elected based on the solutions they present to deal with issues that affect the people. And political competition should be on ideas and which of those ideas are most viable and likely to produce the best outcomes for the country. Politics should not be about Moi and Kibaki and Raila and Kalonzo and Mudavadi and Ruto and Nyachae; we should be asking what Kalonzo would do differently from Raila and the viability of the solutions he presents; we should ask what Raila and Kalonzo would do differently from Kibaki and how viable their solutions are! Ruto should tell Kenyans what magic he has for tackling challenges facing the country.
Ø Kenyans should reject individuals bent on acquiring power to serve their self-interest; such individuals talk language with words like “our turn”, “Kikuyu ate under Kenyatta”; “the Kalenjin ate under Moi”; “andu aitu” and the like!
Ø There is something I call the “Kaggia test”; poor Kaggia stood for principle, i.e. the reasons for fighting for independence and swore not to use his position to his own advantage! The opposite is the “Kenyatta view of Kaggia” when Kenyatta attacked the latter for failing to take advantage of his position to enrich himself.
It seeks the institutionalization of political parties in the true sense of political parties, such parties would compete on alternative ideas of development rather than rhetoric and platitudes;
Ø This is as opposed to contraptions for people to simply get to power! These contraptions usually when their principals move on! I am sure you remember parties like Ford Asili, NDP and KSC to name a few. In Third Way thinking, parties would become institutions backed by sound ideological positions and program alternatives. Political parties would also be funded by the state as opposed to individuals as is the case in present Kenya.
It stands for zero tolerance on matters of corruption no matter the perpetrator, in other words, there should and MUST never be any sacred cows; you are found guilty of corruption, you pay the price;
Ø In this respect I wish to congratulate former Permanent Secretary John Githongo for his gallant efforts of exposing high-level corruption in government. We know he did this at great personal risk; his advancement of the fight against corruption must be applauded. The Third Way aims at protecting whistle blowers and those who expose misuse of office.
It is based on justice, fairness and equity (note the term equity) for all Kenyans no matter their stations in life;
Ø A while back when Moi came to power he appointed the late Moses Mudavadi as Minister for Basic Education; and there arose an occasion for selection of primary school teachers; the outcome from the college selection process was astounding! The then Kakamega District had been allocated close to 50% of all places! Asked why this was the case, the Minister replied that they were playing catch-up! Now, I know many regions were short-changed during the Kenyatta era; the joy of arrival of a new regime was the hope that there would be fairness and equity for everyone, especially those who had failed to benefit, in a disproportionate manner, from Kenyatta’s reign! And a lot of regions (like Kakamega) were doing catch-up! Yet the Minister selfishly allocated close to half of places available to his district! What of others? Is that fair? Does that sound just?
It celebrates diversity and rejects tribalism, nepotism and cronyism; it is based on exploiting the strength that come with the diversity of our people and natural resources and for the benefit of all Kenyans;
Ø Tribalism has huge downsides and once it becomes a norm, it never ends. At local levels such discrimination manifests itself as clanism, which reminds me of what is happening in my own Gusii region; here, and in the case of schools, people fight for their clansmen to head schools, even when, from year to year, their children fail! Yet these teachers remain protected and continually inflict damage as they stunt kids’ potential. Show me a more backward act than this! Tribalism is clanism’s equivalent on the national stage.
Ø It is inconceivable that in modern Kenya, the only qualified individuals to staff some position in a department or corporation would be from one ethnic group! There is something of value in thinking about diversity. Diversity makes good business sense, it enhances the image of leaders/companies/departments that practice it and improves relationships and promotes common understanding of the different peoples of Kenya. All of us Kenyans need education on how to deal with departments and companies where tribalism is practiced. We should religiously expose bigotry and boycott those companies and organizations that thrive in discrimination against others. (By the way some of the most entrenched tribalists I have met live abroad, kind of saying that you can take a tribalist out of a tribe but it is hard to take tribalism out of a tribalist.)
It is based on reason over passion, i.e. logic over emotion and sound and structured approach to national challenges;
Ø In each and every action, the question should be how best the action serves national interest. And no one, be the personal in high office in Nairobi or Wanjiku walking the slopes of Mount Kenya, should act in ways that are detrimental to national interest. So when Second Wayers seek power they should, as a matter of course, indicate not just what they intend to do, but also how they would achieve intended results; we need a demonstration of not just the end but the means thereof. In the last elections Narc promised to creation over 500,000 jobs on an annual basis. No one asked them how this would be achieved! Good people, we were carried by the euphoria of the moment! It is no wonder we are disappointed.
Ø Third Way advocates reject the search for power for power’s sake; instead it asks politicians and political parties to demonstrate what they will do in government; it asks politicians to back their promises with evidence that the promises are doable; recall the story in 2002 where the mantra was Moi Must Go! Even when he was not running for presidency; there was a famous song that did the rounds at the time saying yote yaezekana bila Moi! The song went on to proclaim how we would get a new constitution bila Moi; how we shall do better farming bila Moi; and why? The song seemed to suggest that Moi was the stumbling block to everything that ailed the country; rid the country of Moi, and all will be heaven in Kenya. Well, we know what happened! First, we still have the same constitution we had under Moi; corruption ails Kenya as it did in the Moi era and Kenyans haven’t seen more sufurias of ugali on their tables than at Moi’s time. For some it has worsened!
It is based on thinking globally and nationally and acts locally;
Ø Recognize that we live in the age of globalization and that our national economy is a drop in the global bucket! We can choose to play in the small puddle that is Kenya or work to be global tigers in the global sea – [I grew in Kisii, a place of rich farmland; as the family size holding shrinks, the land becomes more precious. Our neighbour had this uncanny act of “pushing” the natural hedge that marked the boundary almost a foot a year, through some clever plant gravitation whose details I won’t go into today. One day I chose to confront him and asked why he was doing so! He started fuming complaining that as a child, I had no right to ask him; and that he would only deal with my father or the clan elders. I persisted and after some argument I made the comment that this land was too small and worthless fighting over; and that there were plenty of opportunities out there and we shouldn’t be focused on small stuff that may result in injury! And for no good cause! I went away, the man stopped his antics and many years later (perhaps 25 or so) while I was visiting home, the man recounted the story saying that I had made him think seriously and in any case ‘today you don’t live on this land and you seem to be doing better than you would being here!” The fact is that there are tons of opportunities out in the world and that we in Kenya at times fight over small stuff not knowing that we are missing out on big opportunities in the world; many would like to be small kings in the fishpond that is Kenya rather than swim in larger global oceans.
It espouses Public Accountability in all endeavours in service of Wanjiku
Ø Advocates for the creation of a Public Watchdog, a constitutional office of an Ombudsman. The Ombudsman would ensure accountability of our parliament (e.g. when they increase their salaries to stratospheric levels), the provincial administration, judges/magistrates, and many others that imperil Wanjiku’s rights.
9. It is driven by the need to make our country Kenya, a great nation! We could become first a regional giant, a continental powerhouse and a global tiger!
Ø To be a great nation is to champion and realize the cause of the people; it is to become an example for others to follow; it is to hear our voices, once again, heard on international forums and for others to emulate what we stand for and do!
Call to Action
Back in the late 1940s as the struggle for independence took root, there was one person named John Kebaso, then a prominent leader and freedom fighter from my area. In discussing the possibility of self-rule, he made the struggle for independence appear monumental and near impossible. It is said that he went around the country, visited Nairobi, central province and the coast. He saw what the Mau Mau movement was doing. It is further told that he surveyed and was awed by the British military might! His conclusion, which he supposedly documented in a pamphlet he authored and circulated widely at the time, was that the struggle for independence was an exercise in futility for the African. And that Kenya will remain a British colony at least until the year 2000!
The man lived to see the country's independence in 1963 and served in the Kenyan Senate and later parliament for a total of 6 years!
The task ahead is onerous but not insurmountable; we can do it! Indeed, as they say, even Mugumo tree can be felled! We merely need to remember that haba na haba hujaza kibaba.
There may be others saying that this struggle may go against tradition; and my reply is captured in the following quote:
Let us overthrow the [political] totems, break the taboos [taboos]. Or better, let us consider them cancelled. Coldly, let us be intelligent. Pierre Trudeau. Canadian politician (1919 - 2000)
And how do we carry out this mandate you may ask!
It is simple: we create a Third Force, guided by Third Way thinking and focused on making Kenya a strong country, a key player in the international stage, a country of justice over passion and one where Wanjiku’s interests prevail; and a country to be proud of once again.
Time doesn’t permit me to speak on the details and composition of this Third Force. At a high-level we must get right thinking youth on board, the civil society needs to be on our side, the intelligentsia must offer their knowledge and experience and of course Wanjiku! Wanjiku, ultimately must learn that the Third Force is her salvation and Wanjiku will give power to those that will serve her: the Third Force.
For the moment, the call is to Third Way thinkers to fan out in all directions, register for elections in Kenya and participate in the political process from grassroots to national level; our objective must be to elect as many Third Way players as possible no matter the party they run for, be Narc-Kenya, ODM-Kenya, Ford-Kenya, Ford-People, Labour Party or whatever other contraption has yet to be created!
Let me leave you once again with the words of Mahatma Ghandi when he says that:
“The Roots of Violence [underdevelopment]:
Wealth without work,
Pleasure without conscience,
Knowledge without character,
Commerce without morality,
Science without humanity,
Worship without sacrifice,
Politics without principles” – Mahatma Ghandi
Viva the Third Way
Viva the Third Force
Viva Kenya
Viva Africa

Dr Matunda Nyanchama is the first president of Kenyan Community Abroad and is an IT Consultant for one of the largest global IT firms.

Monday, October 16, 2006

Shameful legacy

In the early 1950s, Mau Mau rebels murdered 32 people in an uprising against colonial rule in Kenya. Britain's response was brutal: 150,000 Kenyans were detained in camps where, survivors claim, prisoners were beaten, tortured, sexually abused and even murdered. Fifty years on, a handful of them are suing the British government. By Chris McGrealFriday October 13, 2006
Guardian It has been 50 years and there is much to remember. But what still stands out from his time in the camps is a tall white man in shorts with a swagger stick. "When we first arrived we didn't know who he was, but we quickly knew he was in charge," says Espon Makanga. "All the other whites and the black guards waited for him to speak, and when he gave the order that is when it began. After that it never really stopped. I came to hate that man. I can never forgive him."
Makanga, now 78, had already endured more than two years as a prisoner of the British when the colonial authorities sent him to Kandongu camp in Kenya in 1957. He describes life in the earlier camps as a routine of tortures, beatings and typhoid that claimed hundreds, perhaps thousands, of lives.
But Kandongu was designed to be the toughest stop on what British officials described as the "pipeline" of camps intended to break down the "hard core" of Kenyans supporting the Mau Mau rebellion against colonial rule, which began in 1952. Hard core did not mean the worst killers, merely the most defiant.
The camp enforced a regimen known as the "dilution technique". It was designed by three white colonial officials, one of them the officer whom Makanga spotted as being in charge when he first arrived at Kandongu, and whom he and the other inmates came to fear. They had various nicknames for that officer, but it was only in time that they discovered he was really called Terence Gavaghan. "He was a tall man with a thin face and we soon discovered his camp was about nothing more than being beaten and tortured. They beat us from the day we arrived, with sticks, with their fists, kicking us with their boots. They beat us to make us work. They beat us to force us to confess our Mau Mau oath. After a year I couldn't take it any longer. Gavaghan had won," he says.
Makanga was just one of the estimated 150,000 Kenyans held in British prison camps for up to seven years during what was known as the Kenya Emergency, a rebellion against colonial rule in Kenya. Today, he is among a group of 10 survivors, all in their 70s and 80s, who took the first legal step in London this week towards suing the British government for what they say was officially sanctioned torture and other human rights abuses.
Some of the former prisoners describe rape and sexual abuse of women; others say they survived camps where inmates were flogged, worked to death, murdered in cold blood or starved. They want compensation but also an apology for what they describe as a system of organised brutality unmatched anywhere else in the waning years of the British empire. Even in the 1950s, the camps were described as "Kenya's gulags" and likened by officials to Nazi slave labour camps.
The camps were justified, in British eyes, by the Mau Mau's butchering of 32 white settlers and African chiefs loyal to the crown early in the rebellion. The Mau Mau were dominated by the Kikuyu, the largest ethnic group in Kenya, and were largely driven by bitterness at the loss of land to the white settlers. But the struggle also divided the tribe, and the Mau Mau ultimately killed far more fellow Kikuyu than whites, with massacres such as the killing of 120 men, women and children at Lari in March 1953. In Britain the Mau Mau were portrayed as representing the re-emergence of a primitive bloodlust that the twin benefits of colonisation - Christianity and civilisation - were intended to eradicate. But the British soon proved they could be as brutal as their enemies.
Jane Muthoni Mara is among those taking legal action against the British government. She was 15 when she was arrested for supplying Mau Mau fighters with food and taken to Gatithi screening camp. There she says she and two friends, including a young boy, were beaten with the butts of guns. Her interrogators demanded to know the whereabouts of her brother, who was a member of the Mau Mau. Mara says she was ordered into a tent by a white army officer. There was a black soldier from her area she knew as Edward. He ordered her to lie down and asked her where her brother was. When she did not answer, he picked up a bottle. "He filled the bottle with hot water and then pushed it into my private parts with his foot. I screamed and screamed," she says.
Mara says other women were also tortured by having bottles thrust into their vaginas. "For older women, Edward would use bigger beer bottles, but for us younger girls it was smaller soda bottles," she says. "The next day we were forced to sit with our legs in front of us, and the African guards marched over them in their army boots. We were often beaten."
Mara was later tried and sentenced to three years in prison for Mau Mau membership. "We were taken to Embu prison. A lot of people died there of typhoid. We were forced to do work carrying bricks to build a school. We were beaten if we moved too slowly. It was very hard work," she says. "They would just flog everyone at times, four or five guards with whips would come into the cell." She was finally released in September 1957, but never saw her brother again. She says she never recovered from the sexual violence and for years was frightened of sex with her husband.
Terence Gavaghan is 84 now and lives in London. His former prisoners do not accuse him of the worst crimes committed in some of the camps, such as the sexual abuse or killing. But they do say that the camps under his authority enforced a regime of systematic brutalisation aimed at breaking any resistance to the authority of British rule.
Gavaghan was a colonial district officer when he was recruited to oversee "rehabilitation" of Mau Mau prisoners at six camps in the Mwea area of central Kenya. In his memoirs he describes agreeing with John Cowan, the head of Kenya's prisons, on a system to force detainees to renounce their support for the Mau Mau that he described as "enlightened, humane and Christian-based". He also writes that "no legal restraints were envisaged".
In a telephone interview with the Guardian, Gavaghan says his orders were to end the defiance of inmates who were viewed as a block toward economic and political progress on the way to independence. He declines to discuss whether he ever used the beatings described by Makanga on prisoners, or other specifics of how he broke the hard-core Mau Mau, other than to say he was intent on ensuring that on release they would "not be demonstrating defiance".
He also says he cannot be expected to remember a few individuals from among the mass of detainees who passed through the camps under his authority. "It would not be sensible to answer questions about people I cannot remember who say I did things I did not do," he says. "I decided on a process, with the agreement of the attorney general, Eric Griffith-Jones, which led to their release within a year. And that was achieved without a single death, and no ill-treatment."
Griffith-Jones was Kenya's top law officer during the emergency. In June 1957, he visited Kandongu to watch Gavaghan at work and wrote a secret memo detailing what he saw. The memo was attached to a letter, also marked "secret", from the governor of Kenya, Sir Evelyn Baring, to the colonial secretary, Alan Lennox Boyd. In it, Baring says that Gavaghan had established a regime of beatings as a means to break the prisoners and that the government needed to give it legal cover, as violence was "in fact the only way of dealing with the more dyed-in-the-wool Mau Mau men who will be our problem in the future".
Griffith-Jones says he and other colonial officials were shown around Kandongu by Gavaghan, who "participated in the proceedings and maintained, in conjunction with the senior prison officers, direct personal control over the proceedings". Those proceedings were to oversee the intake of 80 Mau Mau detainees over whom "camp discipline" was to be swiftly established. This included shaving their heads and beards, and requiring them to wear prison uniforms.
"Any who showed any reluctance or hesitation to do so were hit with fists and/or slapped with the open hand," wrote Griffith-Jones. "This was usually enough to dispel any disposition to disobey the order to change. In some cases, however, defiance was more obstinate, and on the first indication of such obstinacy three or four of the European officers immediately converged on the man and 'rough-housed' him, stripping his clothes off him, hitting him, on occasion kicking him, and, if necessary, putting him on the ground. Blows struck were solid, hard ones, mostly with closed fists and about the head, stomach, sides and back. There was no attempt to strike at the testicles or any other manifestations of sadistic brutality; the performance was a deliberate, calculated and robust assault, accompanied by constant and imperative demands that the man should do as he was told and change his clothes." Griffith-Jones says that eventually all of the new intake submitted.
"Gavaghan explained, however," Griffith-Jones's memo continues, "that there had, in past intakes, been more persistent resistors, who had had to be forcibly changed into the camp clothing; that some of them had started the 'Mau Mau moan', a familiar cry that was promptly taken up by the rest of the camp, representing a concerted and symbolic defiance of the camp authorities; that in such cases it was essential to prevent the infection of this 'moan' spreading through the camp, and that accordingly a resistor who started it was put on the ground, a foot placed on his throat and mud stuffed in his mouth; and that a man whose resistance could not be broken down was in the last resort knocked unconscious."
Although Gavaghan says that this regime was carried out with the approval of the attorney-general, Baring's letter suggests that the routine of beatings was already established and that the colonial authorities were keen to give it legal authority. "We have felt that either we must forbid Gavaghan and his staff to proceed in this way, in which case the dilution technique will be ineffective and we will find that we cannot deal with many of the worst detainees, or, alternatively, we must give him and his staff cover provided they do as they say they are doing," Baring writes to the colonial secretary. "Put another way the problem is this. We can probably go further with the more fanatical Mau Mau in the way of release than we had ever hoped 18 months ago. But to do so there must be a phase of violent shock."
In the end, Gavaghan's methods were approved with "safeguards", including a requirement for a medical examination and that violence should be carried out only by Europeans. The new regulations permitted force to be used to "enforce discipline and preserve good order" because established punishment "achieves little or nothing". Such a broad definition opened the way to a regime of perpetual violence endured by men such as Makanga.
Gavaghan came late to the camps, however. The British government's apparent desire to bring some order and legal cover to the treatment of Mau Mau prisoners was prompted by a string of abuses long before Gavaghan appeared on the scene, and growing questions at home, particularly from the Labour opposition. The camps were one part of a process of breaking the Mau Mau that extended from herding large numbers of Africans into "protected villages" to confiscating livestock and destroying homes.
Espon Makanga witnessed many abuses before he arrived in Kandongu. He had joined the Mau Mau in 1952 when he was 24. Two years later he was shot in his right elbow in a British army ambush, and he lived with the wound for a year until he was arrested and sent to Thika prison camp. "Many inmates in Thika died from beatings and typhoid. We had to bury many of our comrades who died there," he says.
Makanga was moved to Manyani, where on arrival the prisoners were thrown in a pit of disinfectant. "The guards surrounded us and beat us to force us in as if we were cattle," he says. "Some people went under and swallowed the disinfectant, which made their stomachs swell up and caused a lot of pain. The camp was under the command of a white officer who frequently gave orders for us to be beaten if he thought we weren't working hard enough. Some people died from the beatings. Others died from typhoid. They were buried just outside the camps." One typhoid outbreak in Manyani killed more than 100 inmates.
Another survivor from Manyani is Kariuki Mungai. He says a much-feared punishment was to be forced to carry the overflowing toilet buckets from the cells. "You had to carry the bucket on your head. They were always overflowing with excrement and urine, and the guards would beat you as you ran with it on your head so that it flowed down your face," he says. In time, Mungai was forced down the "pipeline" and into the hands of Gavaghan. "There was a day when a group refused to work. Gavaghan called all the guards together and ordered that we all be beaten for an hour. Those who still did not work were beaten again."
Another former prisoner who has joined the lawsuit, Wambugu wa Nyingi, says Gavaghan ordered inmates to walk on gravel on their knees with their hands up for long periods. He shows me the scars to his knees that he says are the legacy of the punishment. "We were terrified of him," says Nyingi.
Patrick wa Njogu was a Mau Mau general who led a force fighting from the Mount Kenya forest, which was frequently bombed by the RAF, and who lost a leg after he was shot by British troops. He was arrested, tried for the murder of a forestry officer and acquitted. But he was still sent down the camp pipeline. "I remember the preaching and indoctrination," says Njogu, who says he was held in 15 camps over six years. "And I remember the beatings and the lack of food and the typhoid. When I was in Gathigiriri [camp] I refused to work digging trenches because I had lost a leg. They still beat me as they beat anyone else who would not work. On one occasion they beat me and dragged me around the camp by my remaining leg."
Back in Britain, Labour MP Barbara Castle was one of those worried by what was happening in Kenya. Among her sources was Kenya's assistant police commissioner, Duncan McPherson, who was frustrated at being blocked by the colonial government from prosecuting camp officials. He told Castle of several instances in which Mau Mau prisoners were beaten to death or shot, and about the ensuing cover-ups. "I would say that the conditions I found existing in some camps in Kenya were worse, far worse, than anything I experienced in my four-and-a-half years as a prisoner of the Japanese," he told Castle.
A Kenyan judge, Arthur Cram, offered a damning verdict after an investigation into torture, murder and cover-up at one interrogation centre, not under Gavaghan, by drawing comparisons with infamous Nazi labour camps. "They not only knew of the shocking floggings that went on in this Kenya Nordhausen, or Mathausen, but must be taken to be the men who were said to have carried them out. From the brutalising of flogging it is only a step to taking life without qualm," he said in his judgment.
The executioners were also working at a rate unprecedented in the final years of the British Empire. At the height of the emergency, about 50 Kenyans a month were being hanged for rebellion. Prominent Britons, including Bertrand Russell, Michael Foot and Tony Benn, wrote to a senior Kenyan cabinet minister objecting to the numbers of people executed for offences other than murder. The letter noted that in the two years to November 1954, 756 Africans were hanged, more than 500 of them for crimes other than murder and 290 for "unlawful possession of weapons". Only a minority of the 1,090 eventually executed for Mau Mau-related offences during the emergency were convicted of killings.
What some saw as the inevitable outcome of the camp regimes was realised in March 1959 at a place called Hola, where African guards clubbed 11 prisoners to death while European officers looked on. The camp authorities immediately moved to cover up the cause of the killings. When the local district officer, Willoughby Thompson, arrived, he was told that the dead Mau Mau prisoners were overcome by heat and that water had been thrown over them and they had drowned. Thompson described the explanation as "very improbable", but it was accepted by the colony's governor, Baring, and passed on to London. The truth came out in part because Nyingi and other prisoners gave accounts at an inquiry into the killing of the 11 inmates. The investigating magistrate, W H Goudie, blamed officially sanctioned brutality for the deaths.
An official report into the emergency concluded that about 12,000 Mau Mau were killed in the conflict. Some historians put the figure much higher. But the numbers are not what concerns the former prisoners now suing the British government. They are worried that their accounts will not be believed in London because the British do not think they are capable of such abuses. "The British see themselves as good," says Njero Mugo, another veteran of the camps. "But from the day the first missionaries arrived we never believed that the British stood for the rule of law. They stole our land. They treated us as though they had more right to be in our country than we did. Did you know that if you were walking down the street and you met a white person you had to remove your hat?"
At the end of Gavaghan's tenure in charge of the Mwea camps, a young district officer, John Nottingham, was assigned to take over. Nottingham, who still lives in Kenya, refused. "I heard the most terrible stories about those camps from my fellow DOs. They didn't surprise me very much. There had long been indications of the brutality," he says now. "I went to see Gavaghan in his office. He said that people were just roughed up, it wasn't anything very violent. He described it as being like a good rugger scrum. I went back to Nairobi and wrote possibly the most pompous note of my life. I said I myself think I know the difference between right and wrong, and I also realise it's not my job to teach the government the difference between right and wrong. But what you're doing is wrong and I can't accept this job."
In his memoirs, Gavaghan describes Nottingham as encumbered by "confused pretensions and attitudes". Nottingham says there could not have been many colonial officials who did not know the truth of what was going on. "After Hola I was at a meeting with Baring and other DOs at which Baring was asked if he knew about the violence in the camps. Baring answered no, he knew nothing. He said he had given the strongest possible orders that violence should not be used," says Nottingham. "Outside the meeting I asked Gavaghan if what Baring had said was true. Didn't Baring know? And Gavaghan said: 'Of course he knew.' People in Britain said our people could never do that. But they did. The men who ran these camps were specially chosen from top schools. They didn't last long before they fell and the whole argument that we're bringing civilisation collapsed," he says. "It's a big lesson".