Politicians the problem, but electors not innocent

Commentary
The Standard
By John Mwazemba

James Ostrowski, a lawyer at Buffalo, New York, made a frightful, but accurate statement, identifying the main problem that haunts voters. He wrote caustically: "If you gave a politician truth serum (to flow like blood in his veins) and asked him what he did for a living, he would quote Tolstoy: ‘I sit on a man’s back, choking him and making him carry me and assure myself and others that I am sorry for him and wish to lighten his load by all possible means — except by getting off his back.’

"If you gave truth serum to those who vote for the liars and asked them why they do, they would quote Frederic Bastiat who described government as ‘that great fiction by which everyone tries to live at the expense of everyone else’. "

Columnists have constantly bashed politicians for lying to voters. We expect them to lie, especially when campaigning for office. And they have not disappointed us. They faithfully lie as if they just graduated from "Lie School" where they took an oath to uphold half-truths and, of course, whole untruths.

Ostrowski further says: "Politics is the art of determining how organised force is to be used in society. Force is essentially a negative thing. It destroys things and prevents things from happening."

What about voters? In every democracy, the people elect politicians. And that is the scary part.
Why do we cry and curse, but still vote for the same politicians back to power? Politicians use lies as a tool — sometimes the only tool they have. And as Abraham Maslow said: "When the only tool you have is a hammer, every problem begins to resemble a nail." Someone else further said: "When all you can see are nails, every tool becomes a hammer."

Though politicians are constantly lie, voters are also to blame for electing them. At my rural home, election campaigns are ridiculously hilarious. The MP and his opponents sound like people who have a few wires disconnected in their heads or loose screws. They go to great length to avoid answering questions or addressing the people’s concerns.

Voters must examine themselves. Could they be the problem? Yes we are, though not the only problem. Though I have never been one, being a politician is not easy. I have listened to Cuban President Fidel Castro make non-stop radio speeches and cling to power. When he stumbled from a dais at a graduation ceremony and broke his leg, a US official broke his ribs with laughter saying: "We’ve been looking forward to Castro’s fall for years, but this isn’t what we had in mind."

That is politics — people laugh at you when you break a leg. It is hard to be a politician whether in the developed or developing world. American politics is not easier, better or different. President George Bush is facing the greatest threat of his legacy — public opinion.

In an article in the Washington Post, Op-ed columnist Robert Samuelson makes astounding observations: "Towering over Presidents, public opinion stands out, in the US, as the great source of power, the master of servants who tremble before it."

He goes on: "We could blame the prospect of a divided government or bipartisan leadership vacuum; both might promote paralysis. But the deeper cause is public opinion. Our politicians are slaves to public opinion. Superficially, this should be reassuring. Democracy is working because public attitudes remain the dominant influence — not big money or special interests as many believe.

"But it is not reassuring. The trouble is that public opinion is often ignorant, confused and contradictory; the policies it produces are often ignorant, confused and contradictory — which means they are ineffective."

Samuelton gives facts. The Pew Research Centre says: "In 2003, 67 per cent of Americans thought that Bush’s invasion of Iraq was the right decision. Only 26 per cent thought it wrong. Now views are split — 43 per cent ‘right’ and 47 per cent ‘wrong.’ Samuelton’s message is that voters are sometimes to blame for vacillation and contradiction. Sometimes we don’t even know what we want or what kind of leaders we are looking for.

In Kenya, we have had politicians subjected to corruption investigation. Instead of letting the law take its course, voters have cried foul that their leaders are targeted because they come from this or that community. And many have taken such public opinion and ethnic walls as "shields" whenever asked to be accountable.

When they say: "I’m being persecuted because I come from this and that community", we go to their defence — marching in the streets holding banners and cursing. Then to prove those who were "witch-hunting" wrong, and to show our solidarity, we vote corrupt leaders back to power.

There are leaders we considered corrupt a few years ago, but now they are the angels we look up to for redemption. Most politicians in power are generally the ones who have been in power or sons and daughters of those who were in power in the past. The political elite has familiar faces. It is no wonder familiar problems have persisted for years. Things also remain the same, election after election. In a surprising way, with a few exceptions, we elect the same people.

We seem to have resigned to fate and take everything lying down, including politicians’ lies. We know better, but we don’t want to change things. We actually conspire with people to lie to us and then elect them to represent us. We expect the Government to sort out the mess and help us, but have we not played a part in creating it?

We believe that all problems can be solved and blame Government for not accomplishing the impossible. We won’t acknowledge choices, contradictions and unpalatable truths. Throwing the bums out is a venerable tradition, but what if we are the ultimate bums?"

PRESIDENT KIBAKI'S SPEECH TO THE NATION ON HIS INAUGURATION AS KENYA'S 3RD PRESIDENT, 30/12/2002

I feel extremely happy to address you today. I am overwhelmed by your love. I am emboldened by your support and enthusiasm. I am thrilled by your sense of dedication and commitment to this country. You have renewed my hope and strengthened my belief in the greatness of this country. Now, all of us, both young and old, men and women, Kenyans of every ethnic group, race or creed, have embarked on a journey to a promising future with unshakeable determination and faith in God and in ourselves.

I would like, on behalf of myself, my family and the entire leadership and supporters of the National Rainbow Coalition (Narc), to express my sincere appreciation of all Kenyans for giving me the mandate to preside over the affairs of this great country for the next five years.

I am greatly honoured for the confidence you have extended to me and I promise not to let you down. You have asked me to be your chief servant and I accept it with humility and gratitude. I would like to congratulate all our elected Parliamentary and civic leaders who will also be servants of the people.

The National Rainbow Coalition represents the future of Kenya politics. Narc is the hope of this country. Our phenomenal success in so short a time is proof that working together in unity, we can move Kenya forward. Look around you, see what a gorgeous constellation of stars we are, just look at this dazzling mosaic of people of various ethnic backgrounds, race, creed, sex, age, experience, and social status. Never in the history of this country have its leaders come together and worked so hard together as on indivisible entity with one vision. It is the love of Kenya that has brought us together. We chose to let go our individual differences and personal ambitions in order to save this nation.

Some prophets of doom have predicted a vicious in-fighting in following this victory. I want to assure you that they will be disappointed. When a group of people come together over an idea or because of a shared vision, such a group can never fail or disintegrate. NARC will never die as long as the original vision endures. It will grow stronger and coalesce into a single party that will become a beacon of hope not only to Kenyans but to the rest of Africa.

This is a critical moment in the history of our country. The task ahead is enormous, the expectations are high, the challenges are intimidating. But I know that with your support and co-operation, we shall turn all our problems into opportunities.

You have asked me to lead this nation out of the present wilderness and malaise onto the promised land. And I shall. I shall offer a responsive, transparent and innovative leadership. I am willing to put everything I have got into this job because I regard it as a sacred duty.

I offer our competitors a hand of friendship. We have been through a long and sometimes bitter electioneering campaign. Now, the elections are over, there should be no bitterness. Let us all unite in forgiveness, reconciliation, and hard work to rebuild Kenya. Nation building requires joint efforts of all Kenyans. Let us work for our common destiny; and advance our common aspiration to bequeath a better country to our children.

I salute the efforts of the gallant freedom fighters and builders of modern Kenya. I salute my worthy predecessors for their contribution to this nation. The mistakes people have made in the past should not distract us from confronting the enormous challenges ahead.

One would have preferred to overlook some of the all too obvious human errors and forge ahead, but it would be unfair to Kenyans not to raise questions about certain deliberate actions or policies of the past that continue to have grave consequences on the present. We are, however, not going to engage in witch-hunting. Our task will be to advance Kenya’s interests and ensure they are well served.

We want to bring back the culture of due process, accountability and transparency in public office. The era of "anything goes" is gone forever. Government will no longer be run on the whims of individuals. The era of roadside policy declarations is gone. My government’s decisions will be guided by teamwork and consultations.

The authority of Parliament and the independence of the judiciary will be restored and enhanced as part of the democratic process and culture that we have undertaken to bring to foster.

Fellow Kenyans, I am inheriting a country which has been badly ravaged by years of misrule and ineptitude. There has been a wide disconnect between the people and the Government, between people’s aspirants and the government’s attitude toward them.

I believe that government exists to serve the people and not the people to serve the government. I believe that govern- ment exists to chart a common path and create an enabling environment for its citizens and residents to fulfil themselves in life. Government is not supposed to be a burden on the people, it is not supposed to intrude on every aspect of life and it is not supposed to mount roadblocks in every direction we turn to in life. The true purpose of government is to make laws and policies for the general good of the people, maintain law and order, provide social services that can enhance quality of life, defend the country against internal and external aggression and generally ensure that peace and stability prevails.

These will be the aims and objectives of the Government under my leadership. My Government will provide the creative potential of the Kenyan people. My government will adhere to the principles and practice of the rule of law in a modern society. My government will conserve national environment, develop Kenya’s resources and protect national heritage.

Corruption will now cease to be a way of life in Kenya and I call upon all those members of my government and public officers accustomed to corrupt practice to know and clearly understand that there will be no sacred cows under my government.

The economy, which you all know has been under-performing since the last decade, is going to be my priority. There is deepening poverty in the country. Millions of our people have no jobs. School enrolment has been declining. In fact the education sector, like all other sectors, is steadily deteriorating. Millions of our people do not have access to basic and affordable health services. Our roads and other infrastructures are dilapidated. Most of our institutions are falling and basic social services are crumbling. There is growing insecurity in our cities and towns. The list is endless.

My government will embark on policies geared to economic reconstruction, employment, creation and immediate rehabilitation of the collapsed infrastructure. We shall restructure public institutions to match them with demands of modernising society. A new Development Plan will be produced soon in order to give _expression to the promises we made in our Election Manifesto. Provision of free primary education for all our children will be immediate goal. Other areas to receive our immediate attention include:

· Provision of greater access to affordable healthcare, Reform in the delivery of social services.

· Refocus on agriculture and tourism as growth drivers of the economy.

· Privatisation non-performing public enterprises in a transparent manner and

· Improvement of security through the restraining, re-equipping and re-orientation of the
security and armed forces of our country.

My government will work closely with the private sector and with our external partners to fulfil these promises. We need the support and understanding of the international community to succeed in the task we have embarked on to recreate our beloved country.

On our part, my government will use tax revenues transparently, effectively and efficiently. We shall streamline procurement procedures and close all loopholes that have in the past led to massive wastage of national public resources.

My government will continue to play a leading role in East Africa, Africa and the world. It will support and facilitate all positive efforts to resolve the conflicts in Somalia, Sudan, Burundi, Democratic Republic of the Congo, and other trouble spots in Africa. Kenya continues to bear a heavy burden of these regional conflicts with hundreds of thousands of refugees in our land. As a country which has suffered two devastating terrorist attacks, we shall work closely with others to root out causes of terrorism in the world. We desire to live in a peaceful world, united by a common sense of purpose in pursuit of a safe common future.

Once again, I call on all Kenyans to work with my government to realise the enormous potential of this country. We invite all those who have been hounded out of our shores by repressive policies of our predecessors to come back home and join us in nation-building. Kenya needs to genius of its citizens wherever they are. It is time for healing, and we need every hand on deck.

I was woken up this morning by rays of sunlight, which had bathed my room in such brilliance that it felt completely new. I began to notice things around me in great details. It was as if the room had been given a facelift. I looked out of the window and, behold a cloudless sky. The trees danced lazily enjoying the early morning breeze. I looked far into the horizon and the beauty of what I saw around me stirred my soul. It was as if I was standing atop Mount Kenya surveying the landscape. I said to myself "Oh, what a beautiful country!"

Indeed, we are so blessed, so endowed. Poverty, scepticism and despondency are not supposed to be our lot. Ours is a land of unparalleled beauty and promise. It is a land of laughter and hope.

My fellow Kenyans, I will strive to lead you to create a country you can be proud of again. Let us join hands and remain united for the sake of our country. That way Kenya will be a happy place for all of us. That is my dream.

God bless you all. God bless Kenya.

Thank you

New constitution is not feasible before next poll

Commentary
By The public watchdog
The Standard

Kenyans must now face the hard reality that it will not be possible to have a new constitution before the next General Election.

The temperatures in the undulating political sea are rising as all sides in the political divides seek to make capital of every emerging opportunity. From the wisdom of hindsight, we certainly know that one year before an election, the other side views any proposal from any political divide suspiciously.

It is for this reason that as a people, we must not entrust the writing of a new constitution on any of the competing interests or politicians because they cannot serve the interests of the public. They can only serve their own.

While ordinarily vested interests are not strange in a matter such as constitution-making, they must be managed and the challenges are much more in an increasingly polarised political environment like ours. The hard truth that must be said — even at the expense of stepping very sensitive toes — is that a new constitution is no longer feasible before the next General Election by December, next year

The sooner all sides in the political divide admit and internalise this, the more resources are saved and the sooner Kenyans brace themselves for an election without changes to the Constitution. It is also needless to state that any political capital arising from a new constitution appears highly unlikely for any of the competing interests.

Consequently, the Public Watchdog revisits this issue and raises the following issues: Firstly, while politicians are elected to represent the interests of the people in the positions of leadership, most of the time their individual and personal preservation overrides any other interests.

It is predictable, even in the emerging political alignments and realignments, that the individuals’ political survival informs their position on matters that ordinarily should be guided by wider public interests. In this regard, if there is one predictable thing about our politicians, it is their unpredictability in their actions and inactions.

Indeed, it is sad that as a people, we have very few principled politicians on whom the country can rely to provide selfless leadership today or tomorrow. We have, however, created a self-centred breed of politicians which at best is characterised by shortsightedness and egocentrism.

The few principled politicians who emerge have over the years taken to extreme conservativeness and posturing that have led to self-destruction in the hands of electoral capitalism or lack of endurance due to sustained authoritarianism.

Secondly, the conflicting objectives of the handlers of constitution-making are largely to blame for the sustained delay in the completion of the exercise. The desire of those in Government is to produce a constitution that enables them to sustain positions of power, hopefully to the disadvantage of those in the opposition.

In the same spirit, those in the opposition are seeking the creation of a constitution that caters for a suitable power-sharing arrangement to help them wrestle power from those in Government.

But the people’s desire is for a constitution that ensures an accountable system of Government at all times and guarantees national stability, protects human rights and property and security to all. It is obvious that the wider public interests rest with the people and they must, therefore, remain at the centre of any constitutional making process. This position must remain so notwithstanding the fact that the people’s elected representatives are expected to provide leadership.

Thirdly, the inherent conflicting interests of all parties at play in the constitutional making process are to blame for the failure of the country to agree on laws that cater for the interests of all. And for this, the desire for a new constitution has, therefore, remained elusive for the past two decades.

It is instructive that the Narc administration, which was elected on the promise of facilitating a new constitution, among other promises, in the first 100 days of coming to power, is still making an effort one year to the next election. The hard truth about this rests on an indisputable fact: That power corrupts, and absolute power replaces the modest trait of any politician with pomposity.

It is, therefore, needless to state that many of the leading architects in the Kibaki Government were very vocal against the Moi regime while in the opposition for not facilitating a new constitution, among many other things.But today, they are at the forefront of slowing down the progress.

It is also spooky that many of those who served under the previous regime have also changed course and are either the defenders of the regime or its most outspoken critics. As previously stated, this is how unprincipled some of our politicians are when fortunes change.

Fourthly, it is now apparent that for Kenyans to get a new constitution, the process must not only be free of vested interests, but it must also not be linked to the next election or any election for that matter.

Further, it is important that such a process must be led by people who have demonstrated independence and freedom of any vested groups. There shall always be political alignment or realignment before or after an election, but Kenya shall remain.

This, of course, assumes that we can find selfless individuals in an environment that is becoming increasingly volatile or adopt an attitude of trust and wait to verify.

It is needless to state that a legal framework is necessary to guarantee and free the constitutional process from meddling by any quarter. The choice facing the Government — or any Government for that matter — is not to insist on delivering a flawed constitution or just any constitution.

It is the creation of a process that enables the people to agree on a constitutional model that satisfies wider public aspirations, guarantees national stability and has a workable governance structure that continues to thrive on the basis of the will of the people.

Kenyans must also find a lasting solution to this process that has become elusive even after the change of a regime. In this regard, constitution making cannot be pegged on promises politicians made before an election as evidence so far suggests that we are all gullible to changing priorities and fortunes.

Finally, freedom of association must be guaranteed to prevent rising political temperatures that could give justification to unwarranted violence.

This is a matter of great public interests!

Reform setback deplorable

Daily Nation Editorial
Publication Date: 18/11/2006

Yet another attempt to re-start the constitution review process has collapsed. Perhaps it should have been clear from the very beginning that as long as the parties involved were not coming to the table with clean hearts and open hands, there would be no progress.

The overriding principle once the talks were convened two months should have been the desire of all involved to engage in a spirit of give-and-take. All parties should have been motivated by the desire to work together and examine what can be achieved in the national interest. But, once again, selfish partisan considerations prevailed, and one group walked away.

Despite the brave front being displayed by those who remained, it must be as clear as daylight the talks are dead unless those who quit can be persuaded to come back. Any attempt by the Government to bring to Parliament any constitution amendment proposals will be a waste of time because it will never raise the requisite numbers.

And neither will the other side manage anything in that regard because it does not have the numbers either.

What is most disappointing is that false hopes were raised when the latest talks were convened under the inter-party committee that eventually became known as the Multi-Sectoral Review Forum. It was assumed that all had learnt big lessons from the previous failures to write a new constitution, particularly the outcome of the referendum.

Kenyans must have been elated that at last their leader - both government and opposition - were finally seeing sense and putting aside the fight to retain power and the pursuit of power to cooperate for the common good. These illusions were rudely shattered when the talks collapsed on Thursday.

We are approaching an election year, and it seems that unless there is divine intervention, we will be going to the polls under the same constitution all agree is in urgent need of a revamp.

We have to accept now that it will be almost impossible to have a new constitution. But with goodwill from both sides, we can at least agree on minimal changes to ensure a fairer playing ground.

The rich control half of Kenya’s wealth – report

BY ALEX NDEGWA
The Standard,
Saturday, November 18, 2006.

The rich control almost a half of the country’s wealth while the poorest Kenyans own less than one per cent of the national income, says a new report.

It says the 10 per cent richest households control 42 per cent of the national income with 10 per cent of the poorest households controlling less than one per cent.

This shows that Kenya is among the most unequal societies, concludes the report on the National Conference on Equity and Growth.

The report, prepared by three international agencies, points out glaring disparities in the distributiona of resources in health and education across regions, with Central having an edge. Life expectancy is lowest in Mombasa and highest in Meru.

It observes that the ratio of a doctor to the population is six times lower in North Eastern than in Central.

There is one doctor for every 20,000 people in Central Province compared to one for every 120,000 people in North Eastern Province.

It notes that the immunisation coverage in Nyanza is at 38 per cent as compared to that of 79 per cent in Central Province. The region inevitably records a low child mortality rate.

According to the report, Mombasa has the lowest life expectancy rate of 33 years as compared to Meru, whose life expectancy is 68 years.

On education, it says stagnation in infrastructure development despite growing population and improved enrolment occasioned by free primary education is stretching available facilities.

The country’s 17,000 primary schools translate into 70-odd students per class/teacher, observes the report, which is well above the recommended 40 students per teacher.

It also cites disparity in elective politics with women being discriminated.

The report is prepared by the Society for International Development-East Africa, ActionAid International-Kenya, Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency and the African Woman and Child Feature Service.

It, however, notes that the strong economic growth the country has registered recently — 5.8 per cent growth posted last year which is a first in 15 years — is a good point of departure for the pursuit of growth and equity.

The culture of intransigence and impunity is in full gear

Commentary
By Barrack Muluka
The Standard,
Saturday, November 18, 2006.

Everybody is back, and everything is back. Prof George Saitoti is back as the boss in Jogoo House and as a prime role model for our children. Kiraitu Murungi is back at the Ministry of Energy as another role model.

Even the Armenian Artur Margaryan is said to be back. I should not be surprised to see Margaryan signing autographs for our primary school kids in the streets of Nairobi. The culture of intransigence and impunity is in full gear. Our people say that if you should find your father running naked with a wooden torch of fire in the thick of the night, you do not tell the world that your father is a night runner. But there are limits even to the application of our sage philosophy.

There can be no gainsaying that President Kibaki has achieved some good things during his first four years. We have heard about economic growth and we have seen something about free primary school education and a little of Constituency Development Fund. All that is good and the man in the House on the Hill deserves a pat on the back. He deserves a pat on the back, too, for a semblance of sheen in the Nairobi city centre. Then there are the trees they have been planning all over the place, along Uhuru Highway, Chiromo Road and Waiyaki Way, to say nothing of the street lighting. I pray there is no scandal behind all this.

And that is about as far as it goes. But I am not so sure about this economic growth thing. I have written many times about why I think we are being taken for a ride and why — even if they are not taking us for a ride — it does not matter, anyway. I shall rest that there, for now. But everything else is not right and President Kibaki must take the flak.

The one thing that we need not remind the President is that he is our first democratically elected President. Ahead of him, Presidents Kenyatta and Moi had perfected the skills of mystifying themselves, frightening all of us stiff and pretending that we had elected them unopposed. Even when Moi subjected himself to competition in 1992 and 1997, we were not exactly persuaded that the elections had not been stolen, in his favour.

Then come the year 2002 and Kenyans overwhelmingly vote for Kibaki as president. Mr President, you have disappointed Kenyans. When you were reading from an angry script at Uhuru Park during your swearing in, many Kenyans resonated with you. You threw away diplomatic etiquette and pretence to call Moi names to his face and in front of visiting dignitaries. You caused President Museveni of Uganda to point out that you were going over the top, humiliating Moi. You made Moi to go to Kabarak without eating your food at State House, or showing you which keys opened which room in the big house. And Sally wept.

But Kenyans did not mind. For, they were tired of informal government. They wanted a new Constitution, Constitutionalism and the rule of Law. You promised them all this. But not only that, you promised that a new Constitution would be here within 100 days. You said the culture of roadside proclamations and the tradition of impunity were over. You said there would be zero tolerance to corruption. You even went on to proclaim that there would be no sacred cows in your Government. So what happened, Sir?

We are investigating Saitoti and Kiraitu and you bring them back to Government with awful impunity. Mr President, are you so insensitive to public outrage?

Nobody knows for sure that these two gentlemen stole anything from public coffers. But what about perceptions and sensibilities, Mzee Mheshimiwa? The public has unfinished business with these gentlemen. To the extent and to the extent the Government is the Government of the people and not the personal property of the President, you have no business, Mr President, bringing them back to Government, until the Court of Public Opinion is ready to give them a clean bill of health and a new lease of political life.

But maybe, Mr President, you really do not care much for public opinion? The public can rave mad about things like corruption and the Constitution for all you care? They can go jump into the lake, with all this talk about insecurity and about the rule of law? You really do not give a damn? Have you not given away land title deeds even when there was a Court order barring you from doing that? You demonstrated that the Law means nothing to you. But by so doing, you set a bad precedence — you and your ministers.

When the President and his Cabinet do not respect the Law, then the nation obtains in the context of institutionalised anarchy. For, anarchy is simply steeping life in impunity. When Kenyans reject a certain political party and without varying the Constitution the President goes on to appoint ministers and their assistants from that party as you have done, Mr President, the President demonstrates that he holds the electorate and the Law in utter contempt.

It is now crystal clear that Mzee Kibaki was just vaporising when he made that irate inaugural address at Uhuru Park in December 2002. In the proper order of time, that address must go down in history as sheer mockery to the people of Kenya.

The nation must for its part be all the wiser for this. Kenyans will learn to mistrust those whose words vaporise the moment they leave their lips. Kenyans know, for example, Mr President, that you are the owner of these Narc-Kenya activities.

Mr President, another November 21, last year, awaits you and Narc-Kenya.

Vision 2030 can succeed if predatory ways change

Commentary, The Standard
By Imre Loefler
08-11-2006

The authors of the plan promising Kenya the status of the Asian Tiger countries by 2030 has talent in gauging the soul of society.

For amid virtuous and heady ideas on justice and human rights, piety and charity and respectfulness, greed and gullibility are at the core. The Government realises that the people have little understanding of economics. So those who struggle to survive on $1 (Sh72) a day are vulnerable when promised that income will increase to $15 (Sh1,080) in 25 years. The State expects voters to recognise the skill and determination of the rulers and favour them with their vote.

The irony is that Kenya could become a tiger — it could have become one a long time ago, but did not. This is because post-colonial governments have fritted resources away and concentrated the wealth of the nation in the hands of the elite.

The reasons Kenyans are not richer are not difficult to find: Corruption, incompetence, outdated bureaucratic practices, lack of incentives to investors and environmental destruction, among many other ills.

Are the painters of the 2030 Vision going to part with this post-colonial heritage? Does the Government have a plan to change the pattern of income distribution? Comparing development statistics, it is obvious that countries that fail to control accumulation of wealth in the hands of a small group of plutocrats do not "develop".

The promised 10 per cent annual economic growth would not help Kenyans if the boom ended up in the hands of the ruling class. The "dual development" that has characterised the post-colonial era would continue. Skyscrapers, elevated motorways, underground transport, fantastic airports, five-star hotels, casinos, holiday resorts, first-class schools and medical care can co-exist side by side with poverty, slums, famine, disease, criminality and insecurity.

Countries where such conditions persist do not "develop": Development indices such as good nutrition, shelter, health and education remain low.

In Kenya, income distribution is extremely skewed. Half of the country’s wealth is owned by five per cent of the population, perhaps less. The Asian Tigers — Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand and Hong Kong — which the painters of Vision 2030 refer to have less extreme income distribution and are less corrupt.

However, the phenomenon of dual development is not limited to poor countries. After the Industrial Revolution, the excesses of primitive capitalism threatened the development of industrial countries, hence the emergence of Karl Marx, Mussolini, Lenin, Franco, Hitler, Mao and dozens of dictators.

Eventually, the welfare State emerged, amalgamating the ideologies of liberal capitalism and social responsibility. Today, the most successful States pursue hybrid politics.

But dual development can mar emerging economies as well and it would be wrong for Kenya to imitate the South East Asian countries in every respect.

What is to be learned from them and South Africa, Mexico and Brazil is deregulation, especially in the provision of incentives and improvement of education. The painters of the pie in the sky did not disclose details on how they want Kenya to metamorphose from one of the poorest and most corrupt countries in the world with a primitive, slash and barn capitalist system and most extravagant plutocracy into a leaping tiger, an emerging economy.

We want to read detailed plans. Dreams and diversionary promises aside, there is no indication that the country is heading that way: Recent events in the energy, sugar and coffee sectors do not bode well and the Government’s appetite to meddle, prescribe and proscribe seems to be growing.

The propaganda of the 5.8 per cent economic growth (even if the figure is correct) does not take into account the population increase. The claim that it has come forth due to leaders’ tireless efforts is nauseous, considering that they have, since they gained power, increased their personal wealth by a much larger percentage, some perhaps by more than 100 per cent.

One good sign that there is a will to depart from the ways of the past would be to commission a forensic audit of the process of wealth accumulation among the 100 richest families. The report would make interesting reading.

In many countries, the historical source of wealth can be traced to looters, robber barons, pirates and all manner of illegal operators.

However, as a rule, the second and third generations of the predatory elite change their ways, not so much in the quest for respectability, but because they cannot, in the long run, secure their acquisitions without the protection of the law. If this would begin to happen, prospects for the great leap would be better. The control of income distribution lies at the heart of poverty alleviation.

In politics, we must never forget our leaders' history

STEPHEN M. NDEGWA, Nairobi.
Publication Date: 06/11/2006

As political alignments shape up in readiness for the 2007 elections, some fundamental facts of our political history must not be lost to the public.

The post-2002 period marked the beginning of coalition politics in Kenya, but one key characteristic that never seems to die from our political culture is betrayal.

Jaramogi Odinga cried of betrayal after independence when Mzee Kenyatta and his kitchen Cabinet deviated from the main vision of independence – to deliver Kenyans from poverty disease and ignorance – and concentrated on amassing wealth for themselves and their families.
Our history is awash with such heartbreaking experiences, from the betrayal of Mau Mau fighters to the breaking of the pre-election MoUs by President Kibaki.

Such betrayals have always come at those times when the whole nation was united to defeat the enemies of development (colonialism and tribalism respectively) and restore sanity and prosperity.

In the current set-up, the country is focusing on eliminating tribalists and corrupt leaders but that vision faces imminent betrayal judging from the political activities of the moment.

A good example is the re-emergence of Charles Mugane Njonjo and Daniel arap Moi who are now trying to influence our political direction.

I recognise that they, too, have a right to hold and express personal opinions as well as to participate in political activities, but the same individuals were the architects of tribal politics, corruption, dictatorship, and poor governance that made sure we remained poor despite the enormous growth potential that existed.

Mr Njonjo, for instance, crafted detention without trial laws and dealt ruthlessly with opponents like Jaramogi. This eventually created mistrust and hatred between the Kikuyu and Luo communities or the Kikuyu and the rest of Kenyans.

Veteran journalist Philip Ochieng has documented accounts of how Njonjo used State power to manipulate the justice system, sabotaged Mr Kibaki when he was Vice-President, including "buying" editors to write falsehoods against the VP.

Currently, Mr Njonjo and his class of politicians are claiming they have "since seen the light" and want the unity of all Kenyans. They are attempting to bring together the Kikuyu and Luo elders "in order to solve the existing differences."

The unity of the two tribes would be good but that of the whole nation would be best. In any case, Kenyans must not rely on such people to forge unity on their behalf. These people have, in the past, let the country down and they must step aside so that the current generation can build bridges and learn to live together.

Trade minister Mukhisa Kituyi has been quoted as saying that leaders must be judged on their record and not merely by their words which, most often, are not genuine.

The people must trace the aspirants’ history, orientation and participation in national affairs. Such is the practice in the developed world. The media must play a major role in highlighting the history of our would-be redeemers.

Kenyans, let us vote in good people, not parties

FRANCIS KAHIRU, Nairobi.
Publication Date: 06/11/2006

The elections euphoria is quickly catching up with us. The tragedy, though, is that the euphoria revolves around parties, not individuals.

To help us appreciate the significance of my opinion, let's remember the circus through which politicians have taken us since 2002 when we elected them into Parliament.

Since then, all their debates have focused on ways of addressing their own concerns as individuals, not for the country. Immediately they got into the House, their first business was to increase their own salaries and allowances.

Recently, Finance minister Amos Kimunya proposed to tax their allowances. We are all aware of the response. They rejected the proposal.

It has been a nightmare for the Speaker to have enough MPs to form a quorum for debate in Parliament. Debates on important Bills have gone on without quorum.

Last week, a meeting called to discuss the draft national land policy attracted only a handful of MPs. Where were the others? No one knows, only that they were not where they were supposed to be. Certainly not where we pay them to be. This is extremely disturbing.

The prosecution of perpetrators of corruption in our land has been slow. One thing is clear: Many of the current crop of politicians, some of whom are seeking the highest office in the land, have been adversely mentioned in condoning corruption. We should do away with such persons.

My advice to fellow Kenyans is this. Shun political parties; let us elect individuals.

With the two major parties up and about wooing voters, I now get excited at the entrance of new parties like Agano. I am yet to learn its philosophy but for now, I am enthusiastic.

We need new blood. We need persons who are not tainted, persons who will purge corruption without fear or favour.

Lock out tainted politicians from elections

Commentary
By Stephen Karanja
The Standard.

Corruption is endemic in Kenya. The sluggish fight against it shows how difficult it is to kill the monster rampaging our society.

It has also made it clear that entrusting the task of fighting corruption to a political elite is not the best option. A shift of paradigm — a radical and surgical war on corruption is required. In the new paradigm, fresh anti-corruption crusaders and focus are required.

The war on corruption has been lost because politicians are not clean. They shout loudest against it and point fingers at others. But should suspects of Anglo Leasing, Goldenberg, land grabbing and other scams lecture the public on corruption? Can they stand on a high moral ground and tell us to listen to them?

People should take over the anti-corruption crusade. It is they who can kill the monster politicians have perpetuated for decades. Ninety-nine per cent of Kenyans are not corrupt. Only one per cent of the population perpetuates the vice.

If the majority takes up the anti-corruption crusade, the war will surely be won. This is why leaders who are not tainted should lead the war — politicians, NGOs church, women and youth leaders and civil servants, police officers and judges with clean hands.

Change of focus is also crucial. In the past, the corrupt elite has shaped the focus. But in the new front, the focus should shift to the corrupt before it moves to other sectors in society. Justice Minister Ms Martha Karua has already changed this by shining the spotlight on the corrupt.

As such, we need efforts of more daring and youthful leaders to champion the crusade. It is time politicians stood to be counted and to separate the corrupt from the clean.

Voters should reject the corrupt and lock them out of Parliament and public office. Next year’s election is a golden opportunity to eradicate corruption once and for all. Voters should be made to understand that the poll is an anti-corruption election and tainted civic, parliamentary and presidential aspirants should be scrutinised and those found wanting locked out of public office.

To help differentiate the corrupt from the uncorrupt, more lists of shame should be made public. But they must not be arbitrary — rather they should be based on evidence of commission or omission, but need not be conclusive as is required in a court of law.

The anti-corruption war is a moral, political and social one and it cannot wait for the Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission, the Attorney-General or the courts to investigate, prosecute and convict. If this must happen, the war against corruption will never be won.

The anti-corruption crusade is about perception and the electorate should apply the perception principle in next year’s election and dispose of leaders in Government or the Opposition who do not measure up.

The perception principle was used when leaders called for the resignation and sacking of suspected corrupt Government officials and ministers, including Mr Chris Murungaru, Mr Kiraitu Murungi, Prof George Saitoti and Mr David Mwiraria.

The principle requires that those mentioned and associated with corruption or those under whose charge the vice is alleged to have taken place to step aside for investigations to be carried out.

If the electorate applied the perception principle, most politicians would not contest civic, parliamentary and presidential seats next year. The country would be saved from the grip of tainted politicians and regain moral respect and integrity.

In the next election, the fight is not between Narc-Kenya and ODM-Kenya (corruption vs corruption) as the political elite tells all those who are ready to listen. It is between anti-corruption and corruption.

It is about eradicating the vice and starting with elective public office. The electorate will vote for corruption if it elects tainted leaders. But if it goes for those with clean hands, then it will have cast the ballot for anti-corruption.

In democracies, a mere allegation of corruption or impropriety is enough to cast doubt about a politician’s candidature. Kenyans must aspire for this and lock out from public office those corruption has tainted. The time for talk is over — it is time to act.

Don't allow crooks and liars in next Parliament

Commentaries
By Imre Loefler

Next year, Kenyans will elect the Tenth Parliament. They should not repeat the mistake of the Ninth House. Its composition is a testimony of poor judgment. There sit in the chamber — or are conspicuous by their absence from the chamber — many crooks and habitual liars who often behave in a despicable manner. Many are for sale — their party membership, their support and vote.

Only in one matter can this disagreeable assembly agree: Securing for themselves the most extraordinary perks that make them probably the world's best paid.

Bad legislative assemblies are nothing new in history. When Charles Dickens visited America in 1842, he was taken to Capitol Hill and saw both houses of Congress. He was alarmed and offended by the habit of the assembled men (there were no women) of chewing tobacco and spitting the brownish product on the floor and carpet.

Tobacco chewing apart, he was not impressed by the quality of people in the assemblies. He wrote: "By repelling worthy men from your legislative assemblies, it has bred a class of candidates for the suffrage, who, in their every act, disgrace your institutions and your people's choice."

To avoid this kind of situation and ensure that the Tenth Parliament is not populated by people who disgrace our institutions, voters should be conscious of a number of common mistakes they have made in the past. Supporting relatives and clan members, just because of the biological connection is a common misjudgment. It is based on two wrong beliefs. One is the perennial conviction that family is better than anyone else, and the two, if an uncle makes it to Parliament everyone in the family will have a job. One has only to remember what happened to the Kenya Wildlife Service and to police recruitment to see how such hopes come to a sorry end.

Be cautious with regard to rich men driving big cars, accompanied by bodyguards and concubines, and handing out wads of money. Do not admire ostentation. Ask yourself where the riches come from. In Kenya, most of the rich have not become so through honest toil and almost all are corrupt.

Do not admire "success" in terms of money and power, however acquired. Do not shy off only of the big criminals. Observe how people behave, test their trustworthiness in little things and remember Luke 16:10: "He that is faithful in that which is least is faithful also in much: And he that is unjust in the least is unjust also in much."

Do not elect a polygamist. Be wary of those who carry gifts and who make promises. Consider the probability of the fulfillment of the promises. A mere Member of Parliament might be able to have a health centre or school repaired, but he or she will not have enough influence to bring a tarmac road to the district.

There is ample evidence that only senior ministers have enough clout to distort development in favour of "their people".

Trouble is, the majority of voters only think of "pork barrels", as the Americans say. They do not care for the country, distributive justice or the plight of others. They only think of their own advancement, the welfare of their family, village or district.

No wonder that the end products of such electoral decisions are parliamentarians who do not like the voters who put them into the assembly: They think of themselves first.

In the next election, voters will have a further difficulty: The membership of the candidates in any political party or grouping does not give any guidance, for the parties do not have programmes, do not differ in political philosophy and are indistinct from each other.

In the next poll, politicians will not offer ideas, all they have to offer is themselves — and they do this in very similar ways irrespective of their political group. They appear on the same football field, hire the same band, the same group of dancers, arrive in a speeding convoy, aeroplanes or a helicopter, wear a Texas hat, carry a stick, have rings on their fingers and shout, into badly tuned public address systems, more or less the same political "message".

The ladies and some of the more flamboyant men among the aspirants are clad in fantastic costumes and decorated with exuberant headgear — which they call African.

The programme is always the same: A bit of religion, a bit of African heritage, lots of development promises, but in the main is enemy bashing. There may be a little heckling and stone throwing and the same young men are available for hire to any party and candidate, and are only too glad to collect T-shirts in the process.

Voters should see these for what they are: Caricatures of democracy characteristic of our political environment. They can change it by being discerning and ready to improve their decision-making.

Beware the fraudsters now seeking your votes

The Standard, Commentary
October 12, 2006
By Okech Kendo

Vultures are hovering ominously and greedily again.

They are politicians and the would-be meal is the electorate, assumed to be vulnerable to deceit, citizens of limited memory.

Politicians speak balderdash loaded with self-interest, but the people are yet to hear all as the next phase of the struggle for power enters the conspiracy zone.

Scheming politicians need power to control Government machinery so that they can protect what they have amassed, largely through corruption.

Or how else would a person born to peasant parents have acquired thousands of acres of land in Nakuru, Laikipia, Nyahururu and beaches at the Coast?

They still want more, and more, while squatters hardly prepared to survive the ravages of want, toil for a pittance in the farms they have a right to own.

As politicians seek to widen the space between them and want, which is the lot of the many they rely on to climb the opportunity ladder, the people sink deeper into desperation. One hundred billionaires are lording it over millions of labouring citizens.

There are thousands of locations that do not have tarmac roads; villages where the nearest health facility is 100km away, where tapped water is a dream; classrooms are withered tree shades, where the only university graduate is the local DO, probably from another province.

The villages have no role models, no source of income except for the few who peddle chang'aa. Successive governments have undermined people's sources of income. Cotton, groundnuts, pyrethrum or sunflower sub-sectors are dead. But political liars tell us that the economy is booming.

There are a few teachers who buy newspapers once a month when they go for their miserly pay at the district headquarters, tens of kilometres away, or to charge old car batteries that run their black and white TV sets. They are a generation away from electricity.

Poverty is a threat to national security in ways that only the critical may appreciate, not opportunists in power or who want it. Consequently, there is no ambition, no aspiration and no dissent among the captives. They are fodder for political manipulation, goons for hire. Who is burning peasants' huts in Molo? Whose war are those hungry goons fighting and for what gain?

While many parts of Kenya would rather be kept that way — dependent, gullible and susceptible to electoral manipulation — there are others for whom modernity is a matter of course.

Yet those in power now, who promised equity, are still canvassing for the next General Election under the disguise of One Kenya, One Country, One people.

Why can't they make Kenyans feel the oneness now and enjoy the overdue sense of belonging? Don't we have enough police to ensure peasants are not harassed in Kuresoi?

Those who have power crave it to dominate. A number of people who entered Government and became part of the Executive only four years ago now behave as if they own the country. They even believe that they own the people. People who once talked of democracy are preoccupied with conspiracy to undermine change.

But only a few seem interested in the end value of power for the 32 million citizens who yearn for a better and people-driven leadership. Some are driven by an excruciating urge to revenge, and hope to step on wananchi while they amass wealth.

They are politicians who stand for nothing and would probably fall for nothing. Only a few of the politicians have the temerity to listen to the crying shame of the state of our development after more than 40 years of political independence.

"I promise 10 small and medium-size dams per constituency a year," they thunder during campaigns for electoral office. But after they bag the votes, where are the dams? Have you seen any in your village, four years later and a year to another election of new promises?

After about half a century of trying to run our own show with indigenous faces on the controls of State machinery, the economy is still begging for foreign help.

We are dealing with political leaders who believe in nothing and do not care about legacy. This country must move beyond this, and instead of being trapped in the past, it must look into the future with leaders who have a passion for public good.

The noisemakers have told the people that they do not want to be part of alliances aimed at acquiring and sharing power. Yet behind the declarations of assumed good intentions, there is unstated logic of political gambling.

The people know the presidential queue is getting crowded and only a few have a chance of going beyond mere presidential aspiration.

But only the very gullible are cheated by the public declarations of righteousness that belie spite for reason. There is nothing wrong with acquiring power, but this time the people must question the raison d'etre of the power struggles.

The people must ask: Power to do what, and for whom, when every time we elect people they end up loading their pockets and belching in our space?

The writer is The Standard Managing Editor, Quality and Production